Jong Kon Lee

Although traditional models of bureaucratic politics have relied on the old assumption that information is expensive, information is prevalent nowadays; the monopoly of bureaucratic expertise has been undermined as interest groups have significantly developed and are professionalized. As a result, what is really important in current bureaucratic politics is not just neutral expertise, but the political capacity to affect the behaviors of information sources. Through mediating conflicts of intere

This article provides a theoretical framework to explain vote choices of different income classes in South Korea. Depending on negative perceptions (especially on economic situations), surveillance capability, and the availability of distinctive alternatives, Korean voters have decided their own voting decisions in a different manner. In particular, Korean low income voters have cast ballots for conservative candidates, when they had negative perceptions on progressive incumbents or when they di

As critical mass theorists have argued, the number of female legislators is important in the enactment of gender-status laws. Female legislators share strong beliefs on women's rights and have easily coordinated their legislative activities on gender issues. In addition, their strong coordination and consequent political influence have often allowed them to form a legislative majority by influencing male legislators. Gender policies, however, are frequently associated with non-gender policy dime

2020년 미국 대선에서 트럼프 대통령과 바이든 후보 중 누가 경합주에서 효과적으로 지지층을 결집할 수 있는지는 선거 결과에 큰 영향을 미칠 것으로 예상된다. 이에 트럼프 대통령은 경합주를 중심으로 지지층을 결집할 당내 협력 체제를 구축하기 위해 노력해 왔다. 현재 공화당 내에는 주류 계파인 공화당 연구위원회 이외에도 프리덤 코커스, 메인 스트리트 파트너십와 같은 계파들이 존재한다. 이들 계파들은 공화당 연구 위원회에 비해 규모와 당내 영향력은 작지만 플로리다, 조지아, 노스캐롤라이나, 펜실베이니아, 오하이오 등의 경합주에서 상당한 정치적 영향력을 자랑하고 있다. 그렇기 때문에 트럼프 대통령은 2020 대선을 앞두고 두 계파를 포섭하기 위해 상당한 노력을 기울여왔다. 하지만 두 계파는 이념과 주요 선거구가 다르기 때문에 이 두 계파에 대한 트럼프 대통령의 포용 전략 역시 같지 않았다. 프리덤 코커스의 경우 트럼프 대통령은 마크 메도우스 백악관 비서실장 등 계파 지도부와 밀접한 관계를

The relationship between public participation and administrative performance is controversial. Several studies argue that there is a trade-off between democratic values and administrative efficiency, whereas others find evidence that public participation promotes agency performance. Public meetings are the most widespread method of public participation, but their relationship to administrative performance has rarely been examined statistically. This article uses data on U. S. federal agencies to

Although several legislative gridlock models have produced different results in terms of legislative gridlock under divided government, these studies have neglected contingent party pressures. This paper suggests an alternative contingent party pressure model. The main result of this model is that legislative gridlock is affected by the interactions of issue salience and government types. High issue salience increases legislative gridlock under unified government and, in contrast, decreases unde

Abstract Korean political parties have been organizationally unstable for decades, even after 1987 when a democratic transition from authoritarian military-based politics was achieved. Many studies have argued that the instability has been caused by the Confucian culture of Korean politics. This paper suggests a different view of the political phenomenon: Korean party instability has been due to the ‘cue-chasing behaviors’ of self-interested politicians, rather than Confucian morality. This stud

In spite of growing environmental problems in the USA, an environmental legislative standstill has been prevalent in US politics for about 20 years. Several studies on lawmaking have argued that this legislative standstill has been caused by conflicts among elected officials, such as legislators and the president (institutional gridlock). This paper suggests a different view on the environmental legislative standstill in terms of bureaucratic politics. Using a case study on the US Environmental

우리나라 정당들, 특히 새누리당계 및 민주당계 정당들은 공통적으로 오랜 기간이합집산을 반복하여 정당조직의 불안정성을 노출시켜왔다. 하지만, 이러한 공통점에도 불구하고 두 정당의 조직적 불안정성은 상대적 차이점이 존재한다. 1990년 자유민주당의 3당합당 이후, 새누리당계 정당들은 비록 통합과 분열을거듭하며, 신한국당, 한나라당으로 변화했지만, 민주당계 정당들에 비해 상대적으로 안정된 조직을 유지하여 왔다. 이 글에서는 슈와르츠(Schwartz)와 알드리치(Aldrich)가 제시한 정당과 관련한 집단행동이론을 기반으로 하여 두 당의 상대적 안정성의 차이를 당내 처벌기제 및 장기적 관계 유지 문제와 관련하여 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 민주당계 정당들은 공식지도부와 계파 선거영향력이 불일치하여 처벌기제가 제대로 작동하지 못 하고, 새로운 계파의 잦은 유입으로 인해주류계파에 대한 정치적 지분이 불확실한 경우가 많았다. 이러한 원인에 의해 민주당계 정당들은 새누리당계 정당들에 비해 상대적으로

Several studies have emphasized the ideological mismatch between political parties and the mass public in Korea. In spite of party polarization, Korean citizens have tended to be ideologically moderate. This mismatch has been a puzzle, in that ordinary citizens are likely to realign their ideologies following those of political elites. This article provides the key to the puzzle regarding faction polarization in a political party. The intraparty conflicts among political moguls personal factions

Former President Donald Trump, who planned to run for president in 2024, tried to drive out anti-Trump candidates and bring pro-Trump to the congressional floor as much as possible to strengthen his reputation within the Republican Party. To this end, he actively expressed his endorsement during the Republican primary in the 2022 midterm elections, helping a number of pro-Trump candidates win the primary and final elections. Several statistical tests showed that the former President expressed hi

In the context of regulatory decisions, the political conflict between executive and legislative branches has been significant. The relative ideological stances and power resources of federal agencies and Congress determines regulation outcomes. In particular, when agencies earn sufficient political support from policy stakeholders by relying on procedural justice, they are able to secure the regulatory outcomes they desire without congressional intervention. Because legislators are highly conce