Younkyoo Kim

With the planned US and NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2014 looming ever closer, and Central Asia’s own future increasingly in doubt, major powers are all competing to enhance their influence in Central Asia. 2014 may mark a regional tipping point, but none can accurately predict how the regional balance might shift after the NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan. During 2009–2010, the signs of growing Russian dependence on China in terms of economy and energy were palpable, as were the signs of

China is already outpacing Russia, which is encountering ever more difficulties in trying to arrange a continental bloc of satellite states. While it may not be possible for China to organize its own version of such a bloc given the deep-rooted regional fears and apprehensions about Chinese objectives, in the coming years it will probably be the primary foreign economic presence in Central Asia, able to cash in on the political advantages that accrue to any such power.

The cyanide isotope-sensitive low-frequency vibrations of ferrous cyano complexes of cytochrome a3 are studied for cytochrome ba3 from Thermus thermophilus and cytochrome aa3 from bovine heart. Cyanide complexes of ba3 display three isotope sensitive frequencies at 512, 485, and 473 cm-1. The first is primarily an Fe-C stretching motion, whereas the lower wavenumber modes are bending motions. These iron-cyanide vibrations are independent of the redox levels of the other metal centers in the prot

What is the resource curse? The Russian state - developmental or predatory? The Dutch disease, Russian style - new dependency or global capitalism? Privatization - a double-edged sword? The Russian regions - agents of globalization?

Rerouting South Stream through Turkey, Russia is striking at Azerbaijan and at potential Central Asian gas exporters to Europe. Over the last couple of years, under Baku’s lead, Azerbaijan and Turkey have been working on bringing to fruition the so-called Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), which aims to bring Caspian-sourced gas through the Trans-Anatolian Pipeline (TANAP) to the Turco-Greek border and, from there, to South-eastern Europe via the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) and regional interconnect

Russia attempts to leverage itself onto the global stage and be portrayed as a global power that must be consulted on major global issues. It does so in order to claim a status of equality with the United States and force it to consider Russian interests before the United States acts in those regions where Russia claims to have vital or important interests, even though its ability to play on a truly global stage is quite limited. Nevertheless, for the reasons advanced above, in Latin America Mos

ADVERTISEMENT RETURN TO ISSUEPREVCommunicationNEXTPresence of the Heme-oxo Intermediate in Oxygenation of Carbon Monoxide by Cytochrome c Oxidase Revealed by Resonance Raman SpectroscopyYounkyoo Kim, Kyoko Shinzawa-Itoh, Shinya Yoshikawa, and Teizo KitagawaView Author Information Center for Integrative Bioscience, Okazaki National Research Institutes, Myodaiji, Okazaki 444-8585, Japan Department of Life Science, Himeji Institute of Technology Koto, Kamigoricho, Akogun, Hyogo, 678-1297 Japan Cite

The most outstanding trend in contemporary conflicts has been the fusion of the threats from terrorism and insurgency. Insurgent threats in many places on the globe today are mistaken as terrorist threats, and counterterrorism (CT) is deployed as the local insurgents come increasingly to resemble their transnational terrorist partners. Such an emphasis on the role of terrorism in insurgencies and the undue focus on CT risks strengthening, rather than severing, the connection between local insurg

Abstract This study attempts to discern the overall direction of regional reorganization in Eurasia through looking at regional cooperation and the strategies and roles of powers in the South Caucasus from a sub-regional point of view. This study will attempt to look at sub-regional level cooperation of the countries in the South Caucasus region and the strategies of powers in the region, through the rivalry and difficulties between the United States, Turkey and Russia brought about through thei

본 논문은 이제까지 분석적으로 당연시 되어온 아르메니아 대외관계의 러시아의존이라는 관념을 문제화하고자 한다. 본 논문은 세 가지 목적을 가지고 있다. 첫째, 아르메니아 대외정책이 왜 처음부터 러시아 의존적이 되었는지를 역사적 기원으로부터 밝히는 것이다. 결국 아르메니아의 민족정체성과 민족국가건설의 문제인 “아르메니아문제”가 러시아 의존적이 된 근본원인이었음을 밝힌다. 둘째, 소련 몰락 후 새로운 유라시아 환경에서 러시아, 터키, 이란, 미국 등 주요 강대국들의 힘의 균형이 변화하고 있는 가운데 “아르메니아문제”가 어떻게 전개되고 있는지를 분석한다. 셋째, 아르메니아의 러시아의존의 성격을 밝히고 아르메니아는 러시아에 대한 의존을 줄이고 서구, 미국과의 관계를 증진해 소위 흔히 아르메니아인들이 많이 쓰는 말로는 “보완적”(complementary)인 외교를 펼치려고 했다는 사실을 밝히는 것이다. 실제 아르메니아는 군사적인 것 이외의 측면에서는 미국과 러시아 사이에서 “균형적인” 외교를

많은 신흥 민주주의 국가들이 이원집정부제를 헌정 구조로 실험적으로 도입함에 따라 이원집정부제와 민 주주의 성과간의 관계에 대한 학문적 연구의 필요가 절실해졌다. 기존의 헌정구조연구는 내각제가 대통령 제보다 민주주의 발전에 바람직하다는 대체적인 결론 에는 도달하고 있으나 이원집정부제의 영향에 대해서 는 축적된 성과가 없었다. 내각제형의 이원집정부제 가 대통령제형의 이원집정부제에 비해 민주주의 발전 에 더 바람직하다는 단편적인 보고는 있었지만 왜 그 러한지는 체계적으로 설명하지 못했다. 본 논문은 결 정적이지는 않지만 같은 다당제의 경우에는 내각제형 의 이원집정부제가 대통령제형의 이원집정부제보다 민주주의 발전에 더 바람직하다는 결론을 내린다. 그 리고 이 이유는 내재된 제도적 특징이라기보다는 내 각제적 특징들이 정당들에 부여하는 행위 동기구조 때문이라고 본다. 이와같은 이론적 함의를 러시아와 폴란드의 이원집정부제의 상반된 민주주의에 대한 영 향의 비교를 통해 확인한다. 러시아와 폴란드의

On the face of it, Asian gas hub pricing dynamics in 2014–2017 look similar to that of Europe in 2009–2012. The central argument of this article is that the path to an Asian liquefied natural gas (LNG) hub seems to be quite different than in Europe. Unique challenges to a posited gas hub pricing have not been fully illuminated. One of the hypotheses of this article is that Asia is by no means Europe, and Asia will have its own unique path to a gas hub pricing. Complexity and uncertainty around t

Presented is an analysis of the changes in the North-East Asian energy landscape as a result of the decline in global oil prices. The end of February 2016 saw the first exports of liquefied natural gas (LNG) from the U.S. mainland when major shale gas company Cheniere Energy’s first LNG cargo left the Sabine Pass terminal in Texas. There are expectations that the beginning of U.S. LNG exports may trigger flexible trading. To the year 2020, U.S. LNG exports to North-East Asia will be increased. N

Despite both the Russian and Chinese governments proclaiming to have identical interests, the reality is quite different. On global issues like intervention in third world countries, non-proliferation, democracy promotion and Central Asia, Russia and China jointly act to resist US notions of a liberal world order dominated by American power. However, in regard to the regional security agenda in Asia, we find only barely concealed and even potentially serious if unadvertised rivalries (e.g., over