Kim Jeong-seok
Korea University · Arts and Humanities
About the Lab
Professor Kim Jeong-seok's research lab specializes in syntactic theory within the minimalist program, with a primary focus on ellipsis phenomena, agreement systems, and syntactic movement. The lab investigates structural properties of syntactic constructions such as pseudogapping, VP anaphora, quantifier sharing, and honorific agreement, emphasizing the interaction between syntactic linearization, feature valuation, and PF/LF interfaces. A recurring theme is the role of movement and structural height in accounting for distributional and acceptability patterns in Korean and cross-linguistically comparable languages.
Research Overview
Research Output Trend
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Selected Papers
15The goal of this thesis is to explore focusing effects in the phenomenon of ellipsis within a minimalist framework (Chomsky 1993, 1995).^ In chapter 2, I explore Pseudogapping constructions in English vs. Korean/Japanese. Lasnik (1995, 1997) argues that English Pseudogapping is VP ellipsis, with the remnants having moved to Spec of Agr in overt syntax, in a split VP structure (Koizumi 1995). In the first part, I examine Lasnik's theory. In the second part, I observe that there is a similar const
Abstract In this article, we explore whether hierarchy and linearity conspire to affect agreement. The data come from an experimental study of honorific agreement between verbal si and coordinate subjects in Korean. We focus on computing the mismatch driven by honorifically mixed conjuncts. Unlike South Slavic gender agreement, Korean has neither Resolved Agreement nor First Conjunct Agreement. Only Last Conjunct Agreement is attested in Korean honorification. We show that honorific agreement wi
Kim, Jeong-Seok. 2011. Depictives in VP Anaphora. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 36-4, 843-862. The issue of predication enters the syntactic research through the seminal work of Halliday (1967), who draws attention to secondary predicates, which express properties of local subjects. Setting resultative predicates aside, this paper examines the structural height of depictive predicates in relation to VP anaphora such as do ellipsis and do so proverbalization. It is argued that the stranding para
Since McCawley (1993), D-sharing constructions, where certain determiner can be omitted from the non-initial conjunct in coordinated structures, have been in the spotlight. What is essential is that D-sharing depends on Gapping and the shared determiner must be conjunct-initial. We first show that Lin's (2000, 2002) DP-partitioning approach is problematic, and then argue that D-sharing is elucidated by a multiple dominance approach. Inspired by Johnson's (1996/2004) small conjunct approach to Ga
Kim, Jeong-Seok. 2015. Quantifier Sharing. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 40-1, 67-85. Since McCawley (1993), determiner sharing constructions have been in the spotlight. What is essential is that determiner sharing depends on Gapping and the shared determiner must be conjunct-initial. We first observe that quantifier sharing is possible in Korean. Following Kim (2011), we then argue that shared constituents can be linearized if they undergo movement out of the coordination site, which makes the
보자력 측정을 통하여 페라이트기 9Cr-1Mo-V-Nb 내열강의 크리프-피로변형 동안 미세조직의 변화를 평가하였다. 크리프-피로시험은 550°C에서 각각 인장유지시간을 60초와 600초로 하여 수행 하였다. 보자력은 파단 전까지 감소하였고 경도는 파단 시까지 지속적으로 감소하였다. 크리프-피로 수명소비율이 증가함에 따라서 M23C6 탄화물은 오스트왈드 성장기구를 따라서 조대화가 나타났지만 MX 탄질화물은 550°C에서 안정하기 때문에 조대화가 나타나지 않았다. 마르텐사이트 래스 폭은 래스경계에서의 전위회복으로 인해 증가하였다. 보자력은 전위, 석출물 그리고 마르텐사이트 래스경계와 같은 미세조직적 특성에 영향을 받게 되며 이를 미세조직변화와 관련하여 이해하였다. 결과적으로, 본 연구는 페라이트기 9Cr-1Mo-V-Nb 내열강의 크리프-피로변형 동안 미세조직의 변화와 손상 정도를 보자력을 통하여 평가하는 것을 제안하였다.
The purpose of this study is to explicate the material singularities and meanings of and . The principal ingredients of are manifold characters who were actually subsisted in the real history and dreadful sights of Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. In comparison with , chooses a specially used plant, Namcho(南草), for a main material and brings focus into that plant. In this respect, the conclusion of this paper is as follows. First of all, by appearing real characters of history, intends to inf
조선시대에 널리 향유되었던 문학의 역사적 갈래 중에서 장편 서사가사는 인생의 거의 모든 영역, 즉 자연‧사회‧역사‧지리‧기행 등 인간사를 소재로 하여 창작되었다. 흔히 모순적 존재라고 일컫는 기녀는 조선사회에서 숫자로 보나 역할로 보나 무시할 수 없는 사회적 비중을 차지했다. 특히 음악‧무용‧문학 등의 문화적 기여는 다른 어떤 집단보다도 월등했으나, 그녀들에 대해 학술적으로 연구할 만한 자료는 많지 않다. 따라서 작품 내용과 관련된 기녀妓女의 생애에 대한 깊이 있는 연구는 미흡할 수밖에 없었던 것이 현실 상황이었다. 그런데 정병설에 의해 『나는 기생이다 ―「소수록」읽기』라는 일종의 장편기녀서사가사 문학작품 연구서가 단행본으로 발간돼 이 분야 연구의 지평을 넓혀 주었다. 본 논문은 그 단행본 속에 수록된 원제 「(撰)영(海營)명긔(名妓)명션이라」라는 작품을 통하여 작가인 명선의 내면 의식과 삶의 태도를 고찰하였다. 내면 의식 측면으로는 인간적 각성 의식, 순천자 의식, 자존 의식,
This paper examines the ATB phenomenon in Gapping and Left-Peripheral Ellipsis. Based on Johnson's (1994) movement analysis of Gapping, Agbayani and Zoerner (2006) argue for a sideward movement analysis of Gapping and Left-Peripheral Ellipsis. We point out that their analysis is problematic on both conceptual and empirical grounds. Instead, we argue for a multiple dominance analysis, along the line of Citko (2005). In short, we propose that Gapping results from vP coordination and LPE from VP co
This paper explores do so as a case of VP anaphora. According to Hankamer and Sag's (1976) seminal work, do so is classified as a surface anaphor. After examining several tests of anaphora, I first show that do so is on the borderline of Hankamer and Sag's dichotomy of deep vs. surface anaphora. As a consequence, I propose that shallow anaphora exists between deep and surface anaphora and that do so is such a case. The paper also explores Postal's (1969) outbound anaphora of do so vs. do it out
Abstract This study explores how conjunct locus and D(iscourse)-linking can improve the acceptability of Korean across-the-board (ATB) wh-questions that violate the case-match requirement of wh-fillers. A 2 × 2 design is employed – involving Korean ATB wh-questions with the first-conjunct or second-conjunct case-mismatches and with bare or D-linked wh-phrases. The results show that the first-conjunct case-licensing of a wh-filler is crucial when the wh-filler is bare, as reconstruction into the
Abstract This paper examines right-node-raising (RNR) with idiom chunks. RNR sentences allow idiomatic interpretation when they contain the whole idiom chunk within the pivot (i.e., the shared element) (e.g., Jessica believed, but Zac doubted, that Justin popped the question .), but those containing only a part of the idiom within the pivot do not (e.g., #John kicked , and Mary filled, the bucket .). Given this, Woo (2015) argues for a multidominance approach (cf. Wilder 1999 ) to RNR in that th
Abstract Korean coordination allows non-final conjuncts to appear either without a tensed verb as in gapping ( aka right-node-raising or right-peripheral ellipsis) or without a verbal tense morpheme as in bare ko- coordination. This study uses an acceptability judgment experiment designed to investigate whether tense mismatches degrade the acceptability of Korean gapping and bare ko- coordination with reference to full coordination. The experimental findings of the study indicate that tense-matc
Abstract In this experimental study, we explore the syntactic constructions of left-node-raising (LNR) and right-node-raising (RNR) in Korean, examining whether LNR functions as a mirror image of RNR, as suggested in previous work by Yatabe (2001) , Nakao ( 2009 ; 2010 ), and Chung (2010) . Our findings from formal experiments indicate the existence of a unique left/right-node-raising (LRNR) construction in Korean, which we propose as a true mirror of RNR. We analyze RNR and LRNR through the fra
Abstract This study examines two syntactic analyses of P/Case-drop in Korean gapping ( aka right-node-raising or right-peripheral ellipsis): LF copying ( Abe & Hoshi 1997 ) and PF deletion ( Kim 1997 ). We employ two online acceptability rating experiments to investigate to what extent the distribution of P/Case-drop is controlled by grammatical and extra-grammatical constraints. The experimental findings suggest that (a) linear non-parallelism elicits a processing cost for gapping and (b) P
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