이태동 교수

Why do some cities join transnational climate change networks while others do not? This study examines the factors that drive cities' participation in transnational climate change networks, such as the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group and the Cities for Climate Protection program. Hierarchical analysis of 256 cities in 118 countries suggests that the degree of cities' globalization, or their level of “global cityness,” is positively associated with the cities' membership in the global network

Cities have led the way to combat climate change by planning and implementing climate mitigation and adaptation policies. These local efforts go beyond national boundaries. Cities are forming transnational networks to enhance their understandings and practices for climate policies. In contrast to national governments that have numerous obstacles to cope with global climate change in the international and national level, cities have become significant international actors in the field of internat

Abstract Municipal agreements have been instrumental in communicating commitment to addressing climate change at the local level. However, what is the practical implication of this potentially symbolic decision? This study examines the power of mayoral participation in climate change agreements in driving the proliferation of sustainable or “green” building in a city as a mechanism to reach its climate change goals. In addition, mayors can localize what is otherwise a public good by framing gree

Cities worldwide have taken the lead in addressing climate change; however, this does not tell the full story in understanding the puzzle of local climate action. Rather than in isolation, city actions occur in the context of a complex of other government arrangements. Whereas the majority of the literature concerning subnational responses to climate change in the US is addressed in the literatures of federalism and diffusion, we offer an explanation of climate actions through a multilevel gover

Cities have led the way to combat climate change by planning and implementing climate mitigation and adaptation policies. These local efforts go beyond national boundaries. Cities are forming transnational networks to enhance their understandings and practices for climate policies. In contrast to national governments that have numerous obstacles to cope with global climate change in the international and national level, cities have become significant international actors in the field of internat

Global cities are interacting with each other to collectively tackle climate change. This study examines the association between three types of interactions—socialization, learning, and collaboration—in the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group, a network of the world’s megacities. Regarding the C40 member cities, I ask the following questions: with whom do cities meet, seek information, and collaborate? How is network centrality associated with each activity? How is an initial socialization proce

Existing research has increasingly identified synergies and trade-offs between urban climate change mitigation and adaptation policies. There is a gap, however, in our knowledge of the extent to which urban climate change mitigation efforts affect the adoption of adaptation policies. Analysing the presence of different levels of climate change mitigation efforts in European cities, while also considering local climate risks and national adaptation mandates, our results show a positive and signif

Cities face similar challenges to nation-states in coming together for climate change agreements. Cities have joined trans-municipal networks to overcome these collective action problems that provide common problem definitions, policy solutions, formal channels of communication, and publicity. Analyzing the relationship between participation in a network and cities’ mitigation policies in 57 C40 member cities using ordered logit models, the article asks what effect group membership has on actual

Abstract This study examines the conditions that facilitate the growth of international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) in 126 countries, from 1982 to 2000. To explain the uneven growth of INGOs around the world, I test two competing theoretical approaches. The “top-down” perspective of growth focuses on the degree of a country’s integration into the world polity and international economy. The “bottom-up” perspective emphasizes the development of democracy and the prosperity of the domesti