구민교 교수

Abstract Can economic interdependence reduce conflicts among states in East Asia? The so-called ‘cold politics and hot economics’ has become a defining feature of Sino-Japanese political-economic relations. This puzzling pattern of interaction is clearly illustrated in the sovereignty dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands. The island dispute has unfolded in five rounds of distinct clashes thus far. From one perspective, the competitive elements in the island dispute make it difficult for both

East Asian countries' interest in free trade agreements (FTAs) has surged at the turn of the new millennium (Pempel, 2005; Aggarwal and Koo, 2005; Aggarwal and Urata, 2006; Solís and Katada, 2007). In particular, the rise of South Korea's FTA initiative has been remarkable in its speed and scope. Over the past decade, South Korea has successfully concluded FTAs with Chile (2003), Singapore (2004), the European Free Trade Association (2005), the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (2006), and

In this article I explore why US approaches to the trade-security nexus in postwar East Asia have unfolded in three critical stages: securitization, desecuritization, and resecuritization. During the Cold War, security considerations overshadowed America’s economic interests in East Asia under the San Francisco alliance system. Yet two external shocks in the 1990s—the end of the Cold War and the outbreak of the Asian financial crisis—reversed the trend, placing economic considerations at the for

We develop an expanded two-level game analysis of trade negotiations between South Korea and the United States, with an emphasis on the important cases of beef and automobiles. The theoretical background of this study is that the chief negotiator is not always an honest agent with no independent motive. We find that small perceived win-sets during the beef and automobile negotiations in the 1990s created problems at the negotiation stage (as already predicted by Putnam), while large perceived wi

Abstract The traditional institutional equilibrium in East Asia—the embrace of the WTO at the multilateral level and a focus on market-driven, informal integration at the sub-multilateral level—is under heavy strain. Increasingly, East Asian countries are pursuing greater institutionalisation at the sub-multilateral level, weaving a web of preferential arrangements in response to similar strategies pursued by the US and the EU. This article examines the likely path of trading arrangements in Nor

본 연구는 「유엔해양법협약」을 중심으로 해양 관할권의 핵심 규범과 논쟁을 살펴본 후 우리나라의 정책, 제도 및 이념을 바탕으로 지속가능한 동북아시아의 새로운 해양질서 구축 가능성을 모색한다. 본 연구가 재구성하려는 동북아의 신해양질서의 핵심은 영토문제, 어업문제, 해저자원 개발문제, 그리고 환경문제를 가능한 한 분리하여 접근하되, 이러한 각론에서의 협력을 바탕으로 궁극적으로는 해양문제 전반에 관한 다자간 컨센서스를 이끌어 내는 것이다. 영토, 자원개발, 그리고 경계 획정의 문제를 포함하는 신해양질서의 구축은 궁극적으로 고도의 정치적인 행위지만, 단순한 자국 이기주의 이상의 것을 포함하는, 모든 관련국들이 납득할만한 법적이고 평등한 근거를 담아야 하는 대단히 규범적인 행위이기도 하다. 따라서 동북아시아 차원의 새로운 해양질서를 구축하기 위해서는 당사국들이 자신들의 새로운 제도적 노력이 어느 정도의 수준으로 기존의 국제해양 레짐과 제도적 분업을 이룰 지를 결정해야 한다. 최근 격화되는

This study examines how East Asian countries have responded to the challenges that the trade–environment nexus presents. A total of 85 free trade agreements (FTAs) concluded by 15 East Asian economies are analyzed by using ordered logistic regression and generalized ordered logistic regression techniques. The results show that East Asian countries incorporate strong and specific environmental provisions in their bilateral FTAs when they share concern about environmental issues. These findings re

This study explores the varieties of East Asian developmentalist trade policy by analyzing Thailands and South Koreas pursuit of free trade agreements (FTAs). Thailand and South Korea offer a nice laboratory to test a neoliberal vs. developmental perspective. After Prime Minister Thaksin took office in 2001, Thailand became a pacesetter in East Asias pursuit of FTAs with its policy nexus of developmentalism and liberalism. However, the lack of institutionalization of trade policy-making process

Abstract Technical Barriers to Trade are on the rise at a time when the ghost of protectionism looms large across the world economy. They are allegedly trade restrictive and some of them are more burdensome than others, particularly to foreign suppliers. The leading question of this study is who embraces technical barriers to trade better than others and why. This study examines how different countries have reacted to the REACH regulations of the European Union and what factors have motivated so

This study analyzes how and to what extent South Korea has embedded developmental liberalism into its free trade agreement (FTA) initiative, departing from its traditional focus on developmental mercantilism. In the wake of the global economic crisis of 2008-09 and the subsequent expansion of government interventionism across the world, the developmental state model has attracted renewed scholarly attention. It offers a useful conceptual framework to examine how a particular set of arrangements

Abstract As China has made it a top priority to enrich and upgrade its chip capabilities across the value chain, some international observers predict that China's semiconductor industry will eventually, if not immediately, surpass its foreign competitors. Others remain skeptical about its presumed tech supremacy for plausible but largely speculative reasons. Is the Chinese semiconductor industry a game-changer or a paper tiger? Is China's indigenous chip technology attractive to, and usable by,

신국제해양질서 형성에 대비한 국가 해양정책 수립이 요구되는 이 시점에서 인류의 보편적 가치 추구를 위하여 해양문화와 해양역사 분야, 또한 해양산업진흥을 위한 해양과학기술 및 해양산업정책 분야, 그리고 해양관할권 확보를 위한 해양법제 등에 관한 학문적 연구가 심층적으로 이루어져야 한다. 해양에 대한 관심과 이해, 정책적 활용은 국가생존과 직결된 문제이기 때문이다. 이를 위한 기초 작업으로서 해양의 세기인 오늘날 국국내 학계에서 ‘해양정책’이 어떻게 연구되고 있는가를 파악할 필요가 있다. 즉, 최근 이뤄진 해양정책 연구들을 종합하여 그 경향을 파악하는 메타분석(meta analysis)이 필요하다. 본 연구는 해양정책 분야에서 국내 연구진의 연구경향을 분석함으로써 이 분야 연구의 동향에 대해 살펴보고자 하였다. 보다 구체적으로 2012년 1월부터 2013년 10월까지 출판된 국내 박사학위논문, 한국학술지인용색인(KCI) 등재논문, 국내 연구자들의 국제학술지 게재논문들 중 총 91편의 논

Abstract China's maritime militia groups have attracted much scholarly attention in recent years. Systematically funded and trained by the Chinese authorities, the militia groups help advance China's maritime claims but risk both intended and unintended physical clashes at sea. Based on the 2001 Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts, this study explores the possibility of establishing and recognizing China's state responsibility in relation to the internationally