Tae Gyun Park
Seoul National University
研究室紹介
Professor Tae Gyun Park's research lab specializes in the historical and political analysis of state development, economic policy, and foreign relations in East Asia, with a particular focus on South Korea’s developmental state model, U.S. foreign policy during the Cold War, and the long-term implications of military and economic interventions. The lab examines the interplay between state capacity, industrialization strategies, and international relations, especially in the context of U.S.-South Korea relations and post-Korean War security architecture. It also investigates contested historical narratives in education and public memory, particularly regarding national identity and textbook controversies.
Research Overview
Research Output Trend
Figures are computed from collected data and may differ slightly.
Selected Papers
15The “Developmental State Theory” has been very useful to analyze effective and rapid economic growth in Japan as well as new industrializing economies(NIEs) including South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore. The theory emphasizes capacity of an autonomous state which is free from social interest group and of mobilizing national resources for economic growth. The era under the Park Chung Hee Administration is one of the outstanding cases for the developmental state theory, as Amsden illuminated. Howev
The South Korean Government, under the regime of President Park Jeong–hi, argued that the Measure of August 3rd was inevitable and unavoidable to normalize business activities in Korea. In fact, Korean economy faced a temporary boom in early 1973. However, not a long time was needed after the 8.3 measure in 1972 for Korea to face another economic crisis in the late 1970s, which resembled the one from the late 1960s. The measure was not a basic solution for the economic problems of the time. Whil
American academics and other experts interested in U.S. international relations criticized the Eisenhower Administration’s foreign policy in the late 1950s, in particular toward underdeveloped countries. They believed that government assistance in the 1950s was not effective because key policy makers devoted themselves to military assistance and the reduction of foreign aid, which was triggered by the ‘New Look’ policy. Even though the Eisenhower Administration started to stress the significance
There were lots of disputes on diverse topics in history textbooks in 2008. Although most of controversial topics were discussed through mass media, journals, workshops, and so on, there was no conclusion or result to find the consensus. Since new history textbooks will be published in near future, to analyze the controversial issues and to provide alternative ways should be needed. This paper deals with several topics which have been discussed within political and civilian groups as well as a
The Eisenhower Administration designed and implemented the New Look policy in 1950s, which focused on minimizing governmental budget deficit. The US government sought to reduce assistance to South Korea which was the largest recipient country in 1950s, since the decreasing foreign aid was one of important means in the New Look policy. There were two policies to reduce aid toward South Korea: 1) to downsize not only American forces in South Korea, but also Korean forces which was maintained by U.
한국의 정전협정이 당연히 가져왔어야 할 결과로서 ‘최후의 평화적 해결방안’을 65년이 되도록 마련하지 못했다는 것은 협정 당사자들이 국제법상의 절차와 관례를 무시했기 때문이다. 이 점에서는 정전협정을 주도했던 모든 당사국들에게 책임이 있으며, 종전을 선언하고 평화협정을 맺어야만 하는 책임을 갖고 있다. 이는 휴전과는 다른 정전협정이 갖고 있는 국제법적 성격을 본다면 명확한 것이며, 또한 지금까지 20세기에 있었던 정전협정 사례를 통해서 볼 때에도 그 점을 다시 확인할 수 있다. 3개월을 전후한 기간을 목표로 해서 만들어진 정전협정이 이후 60년이 넘도록 시대적 상황의 변화에 맞지 않게 계속되어 왔다는 것 역시 시대착오적인 것이라 할 수 있다. 1978년 한국군을 포함해 한국에서의 작전통제권이 유엔군 사령관으로부터 한미연합사 사령관으로 이양된 상황을 감안한다면 이러한 당사국들의 책임방기는 더 분명해 진다. 이러한 상황에서 남북한 정상 사이에서 종전 선언과 그에 이은 평화협정 체결의 필