Yong Wook Lee

Why did Japan propose the creation of the Asian Monetary Fund (AMF) that intentionally excluded the United States from membership in the middle of the Asian financial crisis? I argue that the immediate cause of Japan's AMF proposal lies in Japan's interest in defending the Asian model of economic development against the U.S.-led IMF bailout operation in Thailand. The exclusion of the United States was the key in realizing such an interest. Following an identity approach to international relation

Abstract We test the comparative foreign labor policies of Korea and Japan within a vein of international relations literature addressing the effects of international norms on changes in state policies. Building on the efforts to emphasize a state's domestic structure as a source of variations in the impact of international norms, this study enriches this debate further by demonstrating the role of the Korean state in developing international human rights norms domestically. In contrast to the p

This book explicitly links capitalism to Japan's particular foreign economic policy choices, offering a historically informed account of the nature and evolution of the Japanese challenge to neoliberalism. Central to its analysis are the historically and socially constructed Japanese conceptions of Japan's economic identity—conceptions that have shaped Japan's interest in challenging the American-led neoliberal world order. With historical analysis beginning in the 1870s, the book explicates sev

Abstract What explains major foreign policy changes? Why and when does the state change its foreign policy? Despite the importance of foreign policy change, which can (re)shape the nature of a given state's international relations vis-à-vis other states and international systems, explanations of foreign policy change have received only sporadic attention in foreign policy analysis literature. Against this backdrop, I offer in this article a new framework designed to capture both motivational and

@fmhi:Contents @toc4:List of Tables iii Acknowledgments iii List of Abbreviations iii @toc2:1. The Japanese Challenge to the American Neoliberal World Order 000 2. Alternative Explanations 000 3. Identity and Intention Framework 000 4. Who and What Is Normal in the History of the World Economy? Marxism, Economic Liberalism, and Developmentalism 000 5. Binarization of Economic Development Identities: Japan and the East Asian Miracle 000 6. Japan and the Asian Monetary Fund 000 7. Conclusion: Afte

ABSTRACT Since the end of the Cold War, the US has spearheaded the homogenization of the world economy along neoliberal lines. The US-led neoliberal international order, however, did not go unchallenged. Since the late 1980s, Japan has challenged the foundation of the neoliberal international order by asserting the role of the state in economic development. In the vein of constructivist scholarship with emphasis on the meaning-oriented discursive production of the world that has social effects,

How does soft power work? What is the relationship between hard power and soft power? What is the relationship between the sources of soft power and the actual practice of soft power? What, then, does it mean to increase soft power as a foreign policy? These are the key questions on soft power that have been hotly debated ever since Nye coined the term "soft power" in a 1990 publication.1 The questions are interrelated, often complicated and conflated.KeywordsForeign PolicyInternational Relation

세계경제는 다극화가 되어가고 있다. 세계경제의 다극화는 세 가지 요인의 복합적 작용의 결과이다. 미국경제의 상대적 쇠락, 유럽의 단일 시장화 및 1999년의 유로화 출범, 중국 등 신흥 시장국의 경제적 약진이 세계경제의 다극화를 촉진하고 있다. 세계경제의 다극화 진전에 따라 국제통화질서의 변화에 대한 관심이 증폭되고 있는데 그 이유는 국제통화질서 변천의 역사적 관점에서 보면 패권국 쇠락이후 세계경제가 다극화 되었을 때 기존의 국제기축통화 시스템이 상당한 변화압력에 직면하기 때문이다. 이러한 맥락에서 본 논문은 세계 경제의 중심축으로 자리 잡은 중국이 위안화 국제화를 통해 2025년에 대체 기축통화로서 달러를 대체하거나 혹은 경쟁 통화가 될 수 있는 가능성에 대해 이론적 경험적 분석을 시도 한다. 결론은 다음과 같다. 중국의 위안화는 미국의 달러화에 비해 2025년 까지는 우월하지 않는 기축통화 요건 능력(capacity)을 가질 가능성이 높으며 위안화 기축통화화에 따른 중국의 손익도

Abstract This article aims to uncover the socially constructed normative foundation for the alternative East Asian economic development paradigm to neoliberalism in the context of civilisational politics. The question I seek to address is why East Asian states make value claims when promoting their alternative method of economic development. In addressing this question, I make two interrelated arguments. First, I argue that the politics of Asian values can be understood as another case of non-We

2008년 미국발 글로벌 금융위기는 기존의 미국 주도적인 신자유주의적 국제 금융 및 통화 질서의 변화를 글로벌, 지역적 차원 모두에서 요청하고 있다. 한국이 속한 동아시아도 아세안+3를 중심으로1997년 동아시아 금융위기 후 제도적 협력 장치의 구성을 통해 지역 금융화에 박차를 가하고 있다. 구제적으로, 금융위기 방지 및 금융위기 시 효과적인 대처방안은 2000년 양자간 스왑협정에서 출발하여 2010년 다자화된 치앙마이 이니셔티브(CMIM)를 통해 제도화어 왔고 아시아판 IMF인 아시아통화기금( Asian Monetary Fund) 창설 논의로 확대되고 있다. 아세안+3는 2011년 5월 싱가포르에 CMIM의 자매기관으로서 역내 금융 감시기구인 AMRO(ASEAN Plus Three Macroeconomic Research Office)를 성공적으로 출범시켜 아시아통화기금의 가능성을 높이고 있다. 역내 금융시장 활성화는 지역 채권시장 발전에 방점을 두고 있으며 2002년 출범한 As

Abstract In the “varieties of capitalism” debate, scholars have paid considerable attention to the question of whether Korea and Japan have left behind their interventionist political economy for neo-liberal reform. In this paper, we re-examine the scholarly consensus that Korea has become a neo-liberal state, while Japan has not changed much. On the basis of our comparison of the extent of the two countries’ neo-liberal reforms using the “business systems framework” developed by Witt, we demons