이동원 교수
Dong-Won Lee
성균관대학교 경제학과 · 사회과학
연구실 소개
이동원 교수의 연구실은 정책 및 제도적 요소가 경제적 결과에 미치는 영향을 다각도로 분석하는 데 초점을 맞추고 있습니다. 특히 사회자본, 세제 제도(예: 부가가치세), 지방정부의 재정지출, 정부 규제 등 다양한 제도적 설계가 경제 성과와 시민 복지에 미치는 영향을 실증적으로 탐구합니다. 연구는 주로 OECD 및 미국 주정부 데이터를 기반으로 하며, 제도적 기반의 정책 효과를 분석하는 데 중점을 두고 있습니다. 특히 사회적 신뢰와 규제, 세제, 지방정부의 재정 행동 간의 상호작용을 중심으로 이론적 모델과 대규모 데이터 분석을 융합합니다.
연구 현황
연구 성과 추이
표시된 성과는 수집된 데이터 기준으로 산출되며, 일부 차이가 있을 수 있습니다.
주요 논문
15Abstract Critics opine that social capital, despite its importance, provides little empirical insight because it is difficult to measure. This paper develops a broad measure of social capital, incorporating four major components: social trust, norms, social networks, and social structure. We constructed an index of social capital for 72 countries by extracting the principal components from 44 variables. Consistent with the social capital literature, the index of social capital is significantly a
This paper examines the claim that the adoption of a value-added tax (VAT) increases the size of government. Our analysis suggests that introducing the VAT, despite the fact that it is a relatively efficient tax in comparison to the income tax alternative, has little impact on government growth due to two factors: (1) the substitution of the VAT for other tax sources, and (2) the low price elasticity of demand for public goods. In contrast, demand-side changes may have a more significant impact
We revisit the claim that ethnic heterogeneity—the degree to which different ethnic groups make up the population—reduces local government spending on various public goods. Our analysis suggests that heterogeneity does not necessarily reduce local public spending due to two factors: (1) the low price elasticity of demand for local public goods and (2) the substitution between public goods. Using data from American cities and school districts from 2000 to 2010, we find that ethnic heterogeneity h
This article examines the paradox that a supermajority rule in a legislature promotes excessive government spending. We propose a simple conjecture: If rent‐seeking coalitions dominate legislative politics and if individual legislators' demands for rent‐seeking activities are price‐inelastic, a change of legislative rules from simple majority to a supermajority will lead to greater public spending, other things equal. Using data from U.S. state legislatures, 1970 to 2007, we find that the adopti
This paper investigates the missing link between multi-dimensional components of social capital and the size of the shadow economy, an association generally considered to be ambiguous. A simple agency model shows that social capital and the shadow economy are connected through a mechanism reducing the perceived level of corruption. Using a sample of 65 countries, 1999 to 2007, the paper finds that social trust, social norms (e.g. tax morale), and a broad index of social capital are robust, negat
In the authors' political equilibrium model, regulation is considered an implicit and regressive tax-equivalent alternative to the common and less regressive fiscal alternatives: income, property, and sales taxes. The authors hypothesize that in more heterogeneous jurisdictions the state relies more on regulation and less on budgetary spending than in more homogeneous units. Using data drawn from U.S. state-level environmental policy from 1980 to 1994, the authors confirm this hypothesis.
This paper revisits the claim that members of legislative committees direct more earmark spending to their constituents. In South Korea's legislature, a national law regulating the budget committee provides an unusual source of exogenous variation in membership: members of the committee are rotated each year owing to 1‐year term limits. Using data from 226 local governments, and both within‐district and within‐member variations in membership, we find that districts represented by a budget commit
This paper analyzes the factors influencing whether individuals have delegative democratic attitudes (i.e. supporting strong executive power with little oversight from the legislature). Roughly up to 50% of voters in East Asia have delegative democratic attitudes, which are known to undermine democratic governance in new democracies. Understanding delegative democratic attitudes is thus closely linked to the question of why delegative democracy persists. Our theoretical analysis suggests that de
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