황원재 교수

Cartel Theory (and partisan theory more generally) expertly explains the functioning of the U.S. Congress. However, as a theory originally developed to study a single legislature where the institutional context differs greatly from that found in other presidential democracies, its applicability to these democracies has been questioned. Between one extreme represented by the United States (where legislators control their own political future) and the other represented by centralized party systems

This article employs roll call vote data and Bayesian ideal point estimation to examine inter-party dynamics in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies between 1989 and 2007. It highlights the presence in the Argentine Congress of a strong government vs. opposition dimension as well as identifies the relative position on this dimension, vis-à-vis the governing party, of the most prominent non-governing parties. Special attention is paid to the evolution of inter-party legislative dynamics during Argen

Street protests have become commonplace in China. Utilizing extensive survey data, this study attempts to shed light on the nature of environmental street protests in China. The key question to be answered in the article is: why, facing the same issue, do some people choose the option of participating in street protests while others do not? Multivariate analytical findings indicate that Chinese urban residents’ willingness to participate in street protests over a hypothetical pollution issue in

Recent studies report that temporary members of the UN Security Council receive favorable treatment from the IMF, the World Bank, or in US foreign aid in exchange for their political support for permanent members. Nevertheless, few studies have examined whether this favorable treatment and these benefits have actually made any significant changes in the member states’ voting behavior in the United Nations. To explore this question, we investigate whether membership on the UN Security Council inf

Does ongoing animosity between South Korea and Japan over the disputed Dokdo Islands and other issues that originated from historical disputes generate rally effects in Korean domestic politics? This article argues that the Dokdo Islands dispute—and related disputed issues rooted in the colonial experience of Korea under Japan's rule historically—strongly influence Korean presidents’ abilities to effectively mobilize domestic support for not only the issues, but particularly the public opinion o

This paper examines the relationship between economic globalization, factor mobility, government partisanship, and the relative budgetary salience of two different instruments of compensation policies: social welfare spending and industrial subsidy provision. While welfare spending directly benefits labor, industrial subsidies benefit both capital owners and labor along the sectoral line. Based on both factoral and sectoral models of trade, we theoretically argue and empirically show that govern

This paper examines whether South Korea's official development assistance (ODA) has promoted foreign policy cooperation from its recipients. To this end, vote congruence between South Korea and its ODA recipients over important issues in the UN General Assembly is analyzed. The results show that, as the size of South Korea's ODA increases, its recipients are likely to vote alongside South Korea on issues important to South Korea, such as nuclear issues, human rights, and resolutions on human rig

The purpose of this article is to reevaluate arguments that relate states' power to the likelihood of interstate conflict, by highlighting the conditional effect of preferences on the relationship between power and conflict. Also, it examines whether the conditional role of preferences works differently at two different levels of conflict—militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) and War. With respect to the onset of MIDs, power disparity is likely to decrease the chances of conflict, and this paci

This research examines whether and to what extent political protests affect media coverage on external conflict in China for the purpose of diversion. Though there has been little evidence suggesting a diversionary use of force in contemporary China, we argue that, as the number of political protests increases, state-owned media are likely to expose the populace to media reports of external conflict as a way to divert public attention from domestic troubles/issues and instigate their nationalist

Purpose By examining the link between the two types of FDI and intrastate conflict from 1990 to 2015 in 138 countries, this paper intends to test the peace-through-FDI thesis. Design/methodology/approach To empirically test the hypotheses, this study examines county-year observations from 1990 to 2015 for 138 countries. An instrumental variable method is utilized to this end. Findings This paper shows that, while greenfield FDI generates pacifying effects on intrastate conflict, M&A investme

This paper explores how South Korea and India have taken positions between the United States and the People’s Republic of China over diverse foreign policy issues. By adopting dual engagement and strategic ambiguity as hedging strategies, both regional powers reduce their vulnerability to the influence and pressure of the two great powers. Thanks to their strategic importance and prominence in regional politics enhanced by such strategies, South Korea and India can independently pursue their for

Do diversionary incentives affect Korea-Japan historical disputes? We argue that Japanese political leaders use diversionary foreign policy, when public approval ratings are low and the government at the legislative level is weak. However, when the government is strong, approval ratings do not necessarily drive such diversionary behavior. We support our claims by testing the hypothesis using the data on Korea-Japan historical disputes and hostile actions between 1998 and 2016. The findings impro

Due to its exigency and humanitarian nature, health aid is less political and thus less vulnerable to domestic and international criticism than other types of foreign aid. Ironically, this makes health aid an effective policy tool for donors to cultivate or improve relations with recipients that have divergent foreign policy preferences from donors. This implies that health problems caused by pandemics/epidemics and associated health aid can create an opportunity to ameliorate historically troub

서비스 계약과 같은 새로운 형식의 계약이 등장함에 따라서 쌍무계약의 일방 당사자가 자신의 급부를 불완전하게 이행한 경우 상대방은 이를 어떻게 해결할 것인지가 계속해서 문제되고 있다. 서비스 계약의 경우 그 급부가 무체물이라는 특성을 갖기 때문에 그 이행의 불완전성을 특정하기도 어려울 뿐만 아니라, 급부목적물이 이행후 잔존하지 않기 때문에 불완전이행을 증명하는 것도 어려울 수밖에 없다. 따라서 불완전한 서비스의 이행은 어떠한 법적 구제수단을 택하는 것이 효율적인지의 문제를 가져온다. 계약의 성질이 이를 허용하는 한 유상계약에 준용하도록 규정되어 있는 매매규정은 채무자가 불완전하게 급부를 이행하는 경우 계약의 해제, 대금의 감액, 손해의 배상을 청구할 수 있도록 규정하고 있다. 그런데 대금의 감액은 계약의 일부해제로 이해되기 때문에, 약정한 급부가 불완전하게 이행되는 경우 채권자가 전체계약을 해제하거나 해지하길 원하지 않는다면 택할 수 있는 담보책임법상의 구체수단은 대금의 감액과 손해의

Abstract Mounting geoeconomic competition between the United States (US) and China alongside the global shocks due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia–Ukraine war have drawn significant attention to the instability and vulnerability issues in the global supply chain (GSC), which is critical for international trade, production, and economic security. Can the US, South Korea, and Japan successfully coordinate their efforts to establish a secure and resilient GSC in key industries? Can these ef